Federalist Paper No. 65
The Powers of the Senate Continued
From the New York Packet.
Friday, March 7, 1788.
HAMILTON
To the People of the State of New York.
THE remaining powers which the plan of the convention allots to the Senate, in
a distinct capacity, are comprised in their participation with the executive in the
appointment to offices, and in their judicial character as a court for the trial of
impeachments. As in the business of appointments the executive will be the principal
agent, the provisions relating to it will most properly be discussed in the examination of
that department. We will, therefore, conclude this head with a view of the judicial
character of the Senate.
A well-constituted court for the trial of impeachments is an object not more to
be desired than difficult to be obtained in a government wholly elective. The subjects of
its jurisdiction are those offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men, or,
in other words, from the abuse or violation of some public trust. They are of a nature
which may with peculiar propriety be denominated POLITICAL, as they relate chiefly to
injuries done immediately to the society itself. The prosecution of them, for this reason,
will seldom fail to agitate the passions of the whole community, and to divide it into
parties more or less friendly or inimical to the accused. In many cases it will connect
itself with the pre-existing factions, and will enlist all their animosities,
partialities, influence, and interest on one side or on the other; and in such cases there
will always be the greatest danger that the decision will be regulated more by the
comparative strength of parties, than by the real demonstrations of innocence or guilt.
The delicacy and magnitude of a trust which so deeply concerns the political
reputation and existence of every man engaged in the administration of public affairs,
speak for themselves. The difficulty of placing it rightly, in a government resting
entirely on the basis of periodical elections, will as readily be perceived, when it is
considered that the most conspicuous characters in it will, from that circumstance, be too
often the leaders or the tools of the most cunning or the most numerous faction, and on
this account, can hardly be expected to possess the requisite neutrality towards those
whose conduct may be the subject of scrutiny.
The convention, it appears, thought the Senate the most fit depositary of this
important trust. Those who can best discern the intrinsic difficulty of the thing, will be
least hasty in condemning that opinion, and will be most inclined to allow due weight to
the arguments which may be supposed to have produced it.
What, it may be asked, is the true spirit of the institution itself? Is it not
designed as a method of NATIONAL INQUEST into the conduct of public men? If this be the
design of it, who can so properly be the inquisitors for the nation as the representatives
of the nation themselves? It is not disputed that the power of originating the inquiry,
or, in other words, of preferring the impeachment, ought to be lodged in the hands of one
branch of the legislative body. Will not the reasons which indicate the propriety of this
arrangement strongly plead for an admission of the other branch of that body to a share of
the inquiry? The model from which the idea of this institution has been borrowed, pointed
out that course to the convention. In Great Britain it is the province of the House of
Commons to prefer the impeachment, and of the House of Lords to decide upon it. Several of
the State constitutions have followed the example. As well the latter, as the former, seem
to have regarded the practice of impeachments as a bridle in the hands of the legislative
body upon the executive servants of the government. Is not this the true light in which it
ought to be regarded.
Where else than in the Senate could have been found a tribunal sufficiently
dignified, or sufficiently independent? What other body would be likely to feel CONFIDENCE
ENOUGH IN ITS OWN SITUATION, to preserve, unawed and uninfluenced, the necessary
impartiality between an INDIVIDUAL accused, and the REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PEOPLE, HIS
ACCUSERS.
Could the Supreme Court have been relied upon as answering this description? It
is much to be doubted, whether the members of that tribunal would at all times be endowed
with so eminent a portion of fortitude, as would be called for in the execution of so
difficult a task; and it is still more to be doubted, whether they would possess the
degree of credit and authority, which might, on certain occasions, be indispensable
towards reconciling the people to a decision that should happen to clash with an
accusation brought by their immediate representatives. A deficiency in the first, would be
fatal to the accused; in the last, dangerous to the public tranquillity. The hazard in
both these respects, could only be avoided, if at all, by rendering that tribunal more
numerous than would consist with a reasonable attention to economy. The necessity of a
numerous court for the trial of impeachments, is equally dictated by the nature of the
proceeding. This can never be tied down by such strict rules, either in the delineation of
the offense by the prosecutors, or in the construction of it by the judges, as in common
cases serve to limit the discretion of courts in favor of personal security. There will be
no jury to stand between the judges who are to pronounce the sentence of the law, and the
party who is to receive or suffer it. The awful discretion which a court of impeachments
must necessarily have, to doom to honor or to infamy the most confidential and the most
distinguished characters of the community, forbids the commitment of the trust to a small
number of persons.
These considerations seem alone sufficient to authorize a conclusion, that the
Supreme Court would have been an improper substitute for the Senate, as a court of
impeachments. There remains a further consideration, which will not a little strengthen
this conclusion. It is this: The punishment which may be the consequence of conviction
upon impeachment, is not to terminate the chastisement of the offender. After having been
sentenced to a prepetual ostracism from the esteem and confidence, and honors and
emoluments of his country, he will still be liable to prosecution and punishment in the
ordinary course of law. Would it be proper that the persons who had disposed of his fame,
and his most valuable rights as a citizen in one trial, should, in another trial, for the
same offense, be also the disposers of his life and his fortune? Would there not be the
greatest reason to apprehend, that error, in the first sentence, would be the parent of
error in the second sentence? That the strong bias of one decision would be apt to
overrule the influence of any new lights which might be brought to vary the complexion of
another decision? Those who know anything of human nature, will not hesitate to answer
these questions in the affirmative; and will be at no loss to perceive, that by making the
same persons judges in both cases, those who might happen to be the objects of prosecution
would, in a great measure, be deprived of the double security intended them by a double
trial. The loss of life and estate would often be virtually included in a sentence which,
in its terms, imported nothing more than dismission from a present, and disqualification
for a future, office. It may be said, that the intervention of a jury, in the second
instance, would obviate the danger. But juries are frequently influenced by the opinions
of judges. They are sometimes induced to find special verdicts, which refer the main
question to the decision of the court. Who would be willing to stake his life and his
estate upon the verdict of a jury acting under the auspices of judges who had
predetermined his guilt.
Would it have been an improvement of the plan, to have united the Supreme Court
with the Senate, in the formation of the court of impeachments? This union would certainly
have been attended with several advantages; but would they not have been overbalanced by
the signal disadvantage, already stated, arising from the agency of the same judges in the
double prosecution to which the offender would be liable? To a certain extent, the
benefits of that union will be obtained from making the chief justice of the Supreme Court
the president of the court of impeachments, as is proposed to be done in the plan of the
convention; while the inconveniences of an entire incorporation of the former into the
latter will be substantially avoided. This was perhaps the prudent mean. I forbear to
remark upon the additional pretext for clamor against the judiciary, which so considerable
an augmentation of its authority would have afforded.
Would it have been desirable to have composed the court for the trial of
impeachments, of persons wholly distinct from the other departments of the government?
There are weighty arguments, as well against, as in favor of, such a plan. To some minds
it will not appear a trivial objection, that it could tend to increase the complexity of
the political machine, and to add a new spring to the government, the utility of which
would at best be questionable. But an objection which will not be thought by any unworthy
of attention, is this: a court formed upon such a plan, would either be attended with a
heavy expense, or might in practice be subject to a variety of casualties and
inconveniences. It must either consist of permanent officers, stationary at the seat of
government, and of course entitled to fixed and regular stipends, or of certain officers
of the State governments to be called upon whenever an impeachment was actually depending.
It will not be easy to imagine any third mode materially different, which could rationally
be proposed. As the court, for reasons already given, ought to be numerous, the first
scheme will be reprobated by every man who can compare the extent of the public wants with
the means of supplying them. The second will be espoused with caution by those who will
seriously consider the difficulty of collecting men dispersed over the whole Union; the
injury to the innocent, from the procrastinated determination of the charges which might
be brought against them; the advantage to the guilty, from the opportunities which delay
would afford to intrigue and corruption; and in some cases the detriment to the State,
from the prolonged inaction of men whose firm and faithful execution of their duty might
have exposed them to the persecution of an intemperate or designing majority in the House
of Representatives. Though this latter supposition may seem harsh, and might not be likely
often to be verified, yet it ought not to be forgotten that the demon of faction will, at
certain seasons, extend his sceptre over all numerous bodies of men.
But though one or the other of the substitutes which have been examined, or
some other that might be devised, should be thought preferable to the plan in this
respect, reported by the convention, it will not follow that the Constitution ought for
this reason to be rejected. If mankind were to resolve to agree in no institution of
government, until every part of it had been adjusted to the most exact standard of
perfection, society would soon become a general scene of anarchy, and the world a desert.
Where is the standard of perfection to be found? Who will undertake to unite the
discordant opinions of a whole commuity, in the same judgment of it; and to prevail upon
one conceited projector to renounce his INFALLIBLE criterion for the FALLIBLE criterion of
his more CONCEITED NEIGHBOR? To answer the purpose of the adversaries of the Constitution,
they ought to prove, not merely that particular provisions in it are not the best which
might have been imagined, but that the plan upon the whole is bad and pernicious.
PUBLIUS.
(Continue to Page 66)
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